Declassified Canadian Intelligence Cables Show US-CIA Encouragement of 1990s Conflict in Yugoslavia and False Flag Operations

Declassified Canadian Intelligence Cables Show US-CIA Encouragement of 1990s Conflict in Yugoslavia and False Flag Operations

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On the cover image the 7th Muslim Brigade of the Republic of Bosnia during the Yugoslav Wars

by Al Ronzonioriginally published on Aronzonijr.medium.com

Al Ronzoni is a writer, historian and political activist based in New York City

All links to Gospa News articles have been added aftermath in relation to the topics highlighted

The US endorsing possible Fake-Flag to provoke Warfare

At the end of January 2022, U.S. State Department spokesperson Ned Price Russia was preparing a ‘false flag’ operation as the opening act for its invasion of Ukraine. The alleged scheme included a staged explosion and enlisting actors to portray people mourning the dead. Nothing of the kind happened. Price may actually have been engaging in a form of political projection because the United States has its own past record of tacitly aiding and endorsing possible false flags in order to provoke and escalate warfare, which it has seen as beneficial to its interests.

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How do we know this?

Because, thanks to the of Kit Klarenburger and Tom Secker for the Grayzone last December, we have been made aware of the existence of a vast trove of intelligence cables sent by Canadian peacekeeping troops in Bosnia to Ottawa’s National Defense Headquarters, first published by Canada Declassified at the start of 2022, which expose CIA black ops, illegal weapon shipments, imported jihadist fighters, potential false flags, and stage-managed atrocities.

The entire collection of these cables can be read .With the war in Ukraine now mired in stalemate but also with the U.S. and NATO publicly committed to its total victory over Russia, those of us committed to working to avoid the onset of World War III, would do well to examine (and share) this report, which sheds important new light on what really happened in the Balkans in the 1990s. It should also be seen as a warning to be wary of allegations of Russian actions the U.S./NATO may tell us leave them no choice but to get directly involved in the war — without demanding concrete proof.

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Klarenburger and Secker note at the outset of their article:

The established mythos of the Bosnian War is that Serb separatists, encouraged and directed by Slobodan Milošević and his acolytes in Belgrade, sought to forcibly seize Croat and Bosniak territory in service of creating an irredentist “Greater Serbia.” Every step of the way, they purged indigenous Muslims in a concerted, deliberate genocide, while refusing to engage in constructive peace talks.

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This narrative was aggressively perpetuated by the mainstream media at the time, and further legitimized by the UN-created International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) once the conflict ended. It has become axiomatic and unquestionable in Western consciousness ever since, enforcing the sense that negotiation invariably amounts to appeasement, a mentality that has enabled NATO war hawks to justify multiple military interventions over subsequent years.

But as they note further, this narrative is a “cynical farce.”

The Canadian soldiers who sent the cables were part of a wider UN Protection Force known as UNPROFOR, dispatched to former Yugoslavia in 1992, in the vain hope tensions wouldn’t escalate to all-out-war and that an amicable settlement could be reached. They stayed until the bitter end of the conflict, “long past the point their mission was reduced to miserable, life-threatening failure.”

As Klarenburger and Secker tell us, it is a little-known fact that the US laid the foundations for war in Bosnia by sabotaging a peace deal negotiated by the European Economic Community (the predecessor of the European Union) in early 1992. Under its auspices, the country would have been a confederation, divided into three semi-autonomous regions along ethnic lines. While far from perfect, each side generally got what it wanted — in particular, self-governance — and at the least, enjoyed an outcome preferable to all-out conflict.

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However, on March 28th, 1992, US Ambassador to Yugoslavia Warren Zimmerman met with Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic to reportedly offer Washington’s recognition of the country as an independent state. He further promised unconditional support in the inevitable subsequent war, if Bosnia would reject the European Community’s proposal.

Hours later, Izetbegovic went on the warpath, and fighting erupted almost immediately. It was an article of faith in the Western mainstream at the time, and remains so today, that Serb intransigence in negotiations blocked the path to peace in Bosnia. Yet, the Canadian cables make repeatedly clear this was not the case.

The Western powers alongside the Infiltrated Muslim Fighters 

Klarenburger and Secker note:

In cables sent July — September 1993, the time of a ceasefire and renewed attempt to amicably partition the country, the Canadian peacekeepers repeatedly attribute an obstinate character to Bosnians, not the Serbs. As one representative excerpt states, the “insurmountable” goal of “satisfying Muslim demands will be the primary obstacle in any peace talks.”

Various passages also refer to how “outside interference in the peace process” did “not help the situation,” and [how] “no peace” could be achieved “if outside parties continue to encourage the Muslims to be demanding and inflexible in negotiations.”

By “outside interference,” the Canadians of course meant Washington. On September 7, 1993, the peacekeepers told Ottawa: “Encouraging Izetbegovic to hold out for further concessions,” and “clear US desires to lift the arms embargo on the Muslims and to bomb the Serbs are serious obstacles to ending the fighting in the former Yugoslavia.”

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Muslims from all over the world flooded into Bosnia beginning in the latter half of 1992, to wage jihad against the Croats and Serbs. Many had gained experience on the Afghan battlefield through the 1980’s and early 90’s after arriving from CIA and MI6-infiltrated fundamentalist groups in Britain and the US. For them, Yugoslavia was the next recruitment ground.

These “Mujahideen” frequently arrived on “black flights”, along with an endless flow of weapons in breach of the UN embargo. This started off as a joint Iranian and Turkish operation, with the financial backing of Saudi Arabia, although as the volume of weapons increased the US took over, flying the deadly cargo to an airport in Tuzla using fleets of C-130 Hercules aircraft.

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In January 1994, one cable observed:

The Muslims are not above firing on their own people or UN areas and then claiming the Serbs are the guilty party in order to gain further Western sympathy. The Muslims often site their artillery extremely close to UN buildings and sensitive areas such as hospitals in the hope that Serb counter-bombardment fire will hit these sites under the gaze of the international media.

Another cable records how “Muslim troops masquerading as UN forces” had been spotted wearing UNPROFOR’s blue helmets and “a combination of Norwegian and British combat clothing,” driving vehicles painted white and marked UN. The peacekeepers’ Director General feared that if such connivance was to become “widespread” or “be used for infiltration of Croat lines,” it would “greatly increase the prospects for legitimate UN forces to be targeted by the Croats.”

“This may be exactly what the Muslims intend, possibly to provoke further pressure for airstrikes on the Croats,” the cable adds.

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The Suspicions on Bosnians for the Markale Massacre 

As Klarenburger and Secker note, against this backdrop, cables related to the February 5, 1994, Markale Massacre, where an explosion tore through a civilian market, causing 68 deaths and 144 casualties, take on a particularly striking character:

Responsibility for the attack — and the means by which it was executed — has been hotly contested ever since, with separate official investigations yielding inconclusive results. The UN at the time was unable to make an attribution, although UNPROFOR troops have since they suspected the Bosniak side may have been responsible.

Accordingly, cables from this time refer to “disturbing aspects” of the event, including journalists being “directed to the scene so quickly,” and “a very visible Muslim Army presence in the area.”

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We know that the Muslims have fired on their own civilians and the airfield in the past in order to gain media attention,” one concluded. A later memo observes, “Muslim forces outside of Sarajevo have, in the past, planted high explosives in their own positions and then detonated them under the gaze of the media, claiming Serb bombardment. This has then been used as a pretext for Muslim ‘counter-fire’ and attacks on the Serbs.

Though Klarenburger and Secker are clear that they “make no judgment on what did or did not happen at Markale that fateful day,” they also note that “the murkiness surrounding the event foreshadowed pivotal events that justified escalations in every subsequent Western proxy war, from Iraq to Libya to Syria to Ukraine.

We would do well to remember this as mount for direct U.S./NATO involvement in the Ukraine war.

by Al Ronzonioriginally published on Aronzonijr.medium.com

Al Ronzoni is a writer, historian and political activist based in New York City


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